The Supreme Court Will Hear the First Major Second Amendment Case in Nearly a Decade

On Tuesday, the Supreme Court granted certiorari in a case challenging the constitutionality of New York City's regulations that restrict the carrying of firearms outside the home. The New York Times and Wall Street Journal have more reporting on the background of the case. From the New York Times:

The Supreme Court said on Tuesday that it would review a New York City gun law that limits residents from transporting their guns outside their homes, its first Second Amendment case in nearly a decade and a test of the court’s approach to gun rights after the arrival of Justice Brett M. Kavanaugh in October. 

Justice Kavanaugh, who replaced the more moderate Justice Anthony M. Kennedy and created a reliable five-member conservative majority, has an expansive view of gun rights. His presence most likely means that the Supreme Court will start exploring and perhaps expanding the scope of the Second Amendment.

The case is New York State Rifle & Pistol Association, Inc. v. City of New York, and the petitioners challenging New York's rule are an organization and several individual gun owners. The Second Circuit opinion that is being appealed is here.

New York Penal Law section 400.00(2)(a) and (f) provide for "premises" licenses and "carry" licenses for handguns. New York City's Rule regarding premises licenses states:

(a) Premises License – Residence or Business. This is a restricted handgun license, issued for a specific business or residence location. The handgun shall be safeguarded at the specific address indicated on the license. This license permits the transporting of an unloaded handgun directly to and from an authorized small arms range/shooting club, secured unloaded in a locked container. Ammunition shall be carried separately. (38 RCNY § 5-01(a)

This rule contains a number of restrictions, including that handguns be transported unloaded in a locked container, that ammunition be carried separately, and that handguns may be transported to "authorized" shooting ranges. The City acknowledges that there are seven authorized ranges in New York City. Holders of premises licenses are restricted from transporting firearms to shooting ranges outside of the city or to second homes, even if they are within the city (as this destination is not "an authorized small arms range/shooting club."

The Court has refused to take up Second Amendment cases since its 2010 ruling in McDonald v. City of Chicago in which it held that the Second Amendment's protections apply to the states. The Court had previously held in its 2008 ruling in District of Columbia v. Heller that the Second Amendment creates an individual right and that its core protection was of the possession of firearms for self-defense in the home. Since then, lower courts have applied a variety of approaches to the Second Amendment, as many of the cases they have confronted have involved rules or restrictions affecting the possession or carrying of firearms outside of the home. Noting Heller's statement limiting the core possession to self-defense in the home, and also noting language stating that the case should not cast doubt on other, "longstanding" restrictions on firearms, lower courts have typically restricted the scope of the Second Amendment. The Supreme Court has consistently refused to review these decisions -- including cases involving the carrying of firearms.

This is now likely to change, as there are now four conservative justices with expansive views of Second Amendment protections. These four justices create a block of four votes required to grant review of lower courts' decisions.

Justice Thomas, in particular, has consistently dissented from the Court's prior refusals to take up Second Amendment cases. He has been joined in these prior dissents by Justice Gorsuch (in this case involving California's restrictions on the carrying of firearms). Justice Alito likely shares Thomas's views, as reflected in his concurring-in-the-judgment opinion in Caetano v. Massachusetts, in which Alito (joined by Thomas) criticized the reasoning of the lower court opinion and argued that the Second Amendment's protection encompasses the possession of weapons commonly used today for self-defense. (As an aside, commentators will likely point to Alito's 1996 dissent from a case upholding a ban on machine guns, but that dissent is not particularly useful, as his analysis focuses on the Commerce Clause of the Constitution, and not on the Second Amendment). Justice Kavanaugh is likely to join Thomas, Gorsuch, and Alito in seeking a broad ruling on Second Amendment protections, as he has previously ruled that prohibitions on semi-automatic firearms are unconstitutional. (See page 46 of this opinion for the start of Kavanaugh's dissenting opinion while he was still on the DC Circuit).

Some commentators argue that the Supreme Court will likely overturn the Second Circuit's opinion and broaden the scope of Second Amendment protections. Mark Joseph Stern argues this in this Slate article and Garrett Epps makes a similar point over at The Atlantic. Both articles have exaggerated titles (Stern's claims that the Court will make all states' laws like Texas' laws and Epps' title raises the notion of "Supersizing" the Second Amendment). But the tone of each article suggests that these goofy titles are likely the choice of editors rather than the authors.

Stern writes:

The case thus marks an effort to inch the Supreme Court toward establishing a right to public carry without forcing the justices to tear down hundreds of laws in a single, sweeping ruling. For a decade, gun advocates have been stymied by the language in Heller and McDonald expressly limiting the Second Amendment to firearms “in the home.” The conservative justices, however, will probably use New York State Rifle to blur that line.

 And Epps notes:

The Rifle & Pistol case begins, then, with four virtually certain votes against the New York law—the two newcomers, Thomas, and Alito. Chief Justice John Roberts voted for the gun owners in Heller and McDonald. He may have been trying to keep the Court out of the Second Amendment area for institutional reasons since then, but that’s not likely to make him go back on his earlier votes when the time comes to throw down. 

“The impact of this case could be huge,” [Law Professor Adam] Winkler told me, because the Court may decide that the right to gun possession extends outside the home. The Court could undermine long-standing restrictions on concealed carry in America’s major cities, leading to hundreds of thousands more guns on the streets of Los Angeles, New York, and Washington, D.C.

Like Stern and Epps, I think that it's likely that the Court will overturn the Second Circuit opinion and strike down the New York City rule. The question then becomes how broad the Court's opinion will be. The New York City rule has several levels on which the justices may rule. A narrow ruling would overturn the rule based on its destination restriction, which prohibits premises license holders from taking their handguns anywhere other than an authorized shooting range. A broader ruling could strike down the law because it prohibits these license holders from carrying the handguns in a locked container separate from the ammunition. Such a broad ruling may be complicated by New York's alternate permit schemes -- which include concealed carry permits -- but there may be ways around this, such as a ruling striking down the locked container portion of the requirement only, while leaving the separate ammunition component intact.

There is also the question of how a broad determination of the Second Amendment's protection can make its way into the opinion. My first instinct, from looking at the layout of the Court and -- in particular -- Chief Justice Roberts's likely goal to avoid large changes in the law, is that there will likely be a majority opinion of Roberts, Alito, Gorsuch, Thomas, and Kavanaugh that overturns the law for its destination restriction, and a concurring opinion of the latter four justices that argues that the locked-case / no ammunition restriction is also impermissible.

A less-likely alternative is that Roberts will author an opinion that includes dicta that lays the foundation for a broader Second Amendment protection scheme. This would be similar to the paragraph in the Heller opinion that stated that "longstanding" restrictions on firearms (such as restrictions of criminals' possession of guns and prohibiting firearms in government buildings) were not cast into doubt by the opinion -- a paragraph that was reportedly added to gain Justice Kennedy's vote -- and which formed the basis of many restrictive lower court opinions in subsequent years. I think that an approach with language that leans in the opposite direction and calls for more Second Amendment protections is unlikely, as the most conservative justices will still join in the narrower majority opinion even if they write their own concurrence.

However the outcome may look in the end, it is likely that the Court will overrule the lower decision and, in doing so, hold that the Second Amendment provides at least some level of protection to the carrying of firearms beyond the home. However narrow the opinion is framed, this opinion would significantly broaden the scope of Second Amendment protections, and would likely lead to much more successful litigation against states and localities with strict restrictions on the carrying of firearms.

A Lottery Winnings Contract Hypothetical

Due to the overzealous sharing of dubious content, this Facebook Post showed up on my news feed earlier this evening. Here's a photo of the post:

Unless you expand the photo, the writing may be difficult to read. The photo shows several Mega Millions lottery tickets under the following text:

October 22, 2018
Mega Millions Proposition
I Christopher Ferry, herby [sic] agree to equally share 100% of the earnings I win from the Mega Millions drawing on Tuesday, October 23rd, 2018 with all parties that like, share and comment on my Facebook post that states this propostiion [sic]. This is an official legal document that can be used in the court of law. 

It's then signed, presumably by Christopher Ferry. The writing is in all capital letters, so I took the liberty of guessing at the intended capitalization rather than hurt your eyes.

After liking, sharing and commenting on the post (just kidding), I made the foolish mistake of reading the comments. There seem to be many people out there on the Internet who are confused about the basics of contract law. 

To those confused souls, I now say, you're welcome.

A surprising number of very confident commenters on the post noted that the document was not legally binding because it was not notarized. This is nonsense. While notarization may be required for certain documents or agreements, parties can enter into contracts with each other without notarization. Take, for example, oral agreements, or the website terms of service for reading this blog post, which state that by reading this I now own a small, yet noticeable percentage of your soul and that you are required to enter into binding arbitration with me to prove otherwise. This story of a winning lawsuit to claim a portion of lottery winnings as a result of a verbal agreement is yet another example. People can, and do, enter into non-notarized contracts every day. 

A smaller number of commenters speculated that the document may not be legally binding because it had numerous spelling errors. While spelling errors may occasionally be of legal significance (by misidentifying parties or terms, or injecting vagueness into the agreement), the errors here do not appear to have this effect. If spelling errors meant doom for legal documents, than a disturbingly massive percentage of contracts, pleadings, and judicial opinions would be rendered void.

Some other folks point out that the document is not legally binding because there is only one signature on it. A contract, they think, needs to be signed by all parties that are bound by it. This does not appear to be the case here, however, as Ferry's post is an offer that invites acceptance by performance. Ferry indicates that to accept his offer of sharing the earnings he receives, a party need only "like, share and comment on my Facebook post that states this propostiion [sic]." Once a party has done that, that person or entity will have fulfilled their end of the agreement.

On a related note, if Ferry ends up winning, a likely way he will whittle down the number of those who may have a claim against him will be to refuse to compensate anyone who did not completely perform their side of the agreement. Ferry notably requires that parties "like, share and comment" on the post, so anyone who only likes, or only comments would not have fulfilled their end of the bargain. His comments could make this issue a little more interesting, as he states that only those who "LIKE / SHARE / COMMENT" are eligible -- but these comments are parol evidence which some courts may deem inadmissible (particularly since the terms of the contract itself are fairly clear). And even if Ferry's comments are considered, they do not appear to contradict the terms of the agreement.

In short, the offer may give rise to a binding contract, provided that the party claiming to accept the offer has liked, shared, and commented on the post.

Unfortunately for Ferry, if he wins anything in the lottery, he will be required to share those winnings with anyone who fulfilled the requirements that he posted. Whether that is $1.6 billion or $2.00 -- Ferry agreed to share "100% of the earnings" that he would win, rather than limiting his performance only to a situation in which he won the jackpot. At the time of this writing, there are only about 30 minutes to go, but it will be interesting to see if Ferry wins a substantial amount, but less than the jackpot, as this may be enough for certain delightful people on the Internet to seek to recover their $1.32 to which they are entitled.

It's also fun that Ferry states that the document "can be used in the court of law." 

Good luck to Mr. Ferry, and to all others out there who, like me, are excited for their inevitable life of leisure once the winning numbers are announced.

New California Law on Care of Pets in Divorce Proceedings

The San Diego Union-Tribune reports that California recently passed a law (AB 22764) clarifying how courts may take into account care of pets in determining who will receive them following divorce proceedings.

The text of the new section 2605 of the Family Code (which will go into effect on January 1, 2019) is as follows:

2605. (a) The court, at the request of a party to proceedings for dissolution of marriage or for legal separation of the parties, may enter an order, prior to the final determination of ownership of a pet animal, to require a party to care for the pet animal. The existence of an order providing for the care of a pet animal during the course of proceedings for dissolution of marriage or for legal separation of the parties shall not have any impact on the court’s final determination of ownership of the pet animal. 

(b) Notwithstanding any other law, including, but not limited to, Section 2550, the court, at the request of a party to proceedings for dissolution of marriage or for legal separation of the parties, may assign sole or joint ownership of a pet animal taking into consideration the care of the pet animal. 

(c) For purposes of this section, the following definitions shall apply: 

(1) “Care” includes, but is not limited to, the prevention of acts of harm or cruelty, as described in Section 597 of the Penal Code, and the provision of food, water, veterinary care, and safe and protected shelter. 

(2) “Pet animal” means any animal that is community property and kept as a household pet.

Prior to the passage of this law, pets were deemed community property to be split equally among the parties to the proceedings. Now, courts have a formal basis for considering which of the parties to the divorce fed the pet, took the pet to the vet, or cared for the pet in other ways in determining which of the parties should get custody.

Notably, subsection (c)(2) specifies that this law only applies to pets that are "community property," so this law does not apply to pets that either of the parties may have had before the marriage. As for pets that both parties bought or adopted together, but before they were married, this could be complicated. If one of the parties paid for the pet, the court may well view that pet as that party's separate property. If the parties adopted the pet from a farm in northwest Iowa without making any payments, this could make things more difficult to determine. The parties could also agree in writing that a pet owned prior to the marriage is deemed community property following the marriage.

All of this seems very complicated, so the California legislature would do well to pass a law clarifying the disposition of pets obtained by two people in a relationship before the marriage. A simple solution would be preferable, such as (just off the top of my head) a law that the pet should go to the third party the married parties know from law school who frequently cares for the pet while the married parties are out of town. That law has yet to materialize, but at least for now, judges have a formal basis to consider care of pets when determining who gets custody.

Did the Supreme Court Just Overrule Korematsu?

The Supreme Court upheld Trump's travel ban this morning.  From the Wall Street Journal:

The court, in a 5-4 opinion by Chief Justice John Roberts, said Tuesday that Mr. Trump didn’t violate the law last September when he put in place restrictions on U.S. entry by people from Iran, Libya, Somalia, Syria and Yemen, a measure he said was necessary to protect national security because those countries don’t provide sufficient information for U.S. officials to assess whether their nationals are a threat. It was his third version of the much-debated ban, earlier iterations of which had been struck down in various parts by the courts. 

Chief Justice Roberts wrote that U.S. immigration law clearly gives the president “broad discretion to suspend the entry of aliens into the United States.” He added, “The president lawfully exercised that discretion based on his findings—following a worldwide, multi-agency review—that entry of the covered aliens would be detrimental to the national interest.”

I am too busy to look into the ruling in depth, and commentators will be dissecting it for days and weeks to come.

But I have seen debate on Twitter as to whether the Court overruled Korematsu v. United States -- a decision that affirmed the United States government's relocation of citizens of Japanese dissent to internment camps during World War II.  I have previously blogged about how Korematsu has been treated as precedent in subsequent cases.

Today's ruling included strong language regarding the case:

The dissent’s reference to Korematsu, however, affords this Court the opportunity to make express what is already obvious: Korematsu was gravely wrong the day it was decided, has been overruled in the court of history, and—to be clear—“has no place in law under the Constitution.” 323 U. S., at 248 (Jackson, J., dissenting).

Some commentators think that this means Korematsu no longer has precedential value and has been overruled:

OK, Westlaw. Time to hang a red flag on Korematsu. https://t.co/EfjaZxIRwt

— John Elwood (@johnpelwood) June 26, 2018

But others disagree:

Guys, Korematsu was not "overruled" today. Saying it "has been overruled in the court of history" is a clever way of making it sound like you've overruled it, but the question wasn't presented and no overruling actually occurred. Disavowed maybe, but not overruled. #SCOTUS

— Jason P. Steed (@5thCircAppeals) June 26, 2018

On the "court of history" issue, it's worth noting that the Court has only once referred to the "court of history" (distinct from "courts of history"). From New York Times Co. v. Sullivan:

Although the Sedition Act was never tested in this Court, the attack upon its validity has carried the day in the court of history. Fines levied in its prosecution were repaid by Act of Congress on the ground that it was unconstitutional. See, e. g., Act of July 4, 1840, c. 45, 6 Stat. 802, accompanied by H. R. Rep. No. 86, 26th Cong., 1st Sess. (1840). (emphasis added).

As the only prior use of this term was to distinguish an issue that the Court had never directly addressed, I see Jason Steed's point. But the Court also notes that the decision "has not place in law under the Constitution," which may be a strong way of stating that the case is overruled. Unfortunately, the Court's effort "to be clear," did not include the explicit statement that Korematsu was, in fact, overruled by the Supreme Court, and in light of the imprecise language (and Steed's further point that the Court also stated that Korematsu "has nothing to do with this case"), the debate over Korematsu's precedential status may continue.

The Tort of "Outrage"

CNN reports that, rather than prudently disappear, failed Senate candidate and former Constitution-ignoring Alabama Chief Justice Roy Moore has filed a lawsuit:

Failed Alabama Senate candidate Roy Moore says the women who accused him of sexual assault were part of a political conspiracy, according to a lawsuit filed Monday. 

The suit was jointly filed with his wife, Kayla, about an hour before the two held a news conference. It was Moore's first public appearance since election night in December, when Moore, a Republican, was upset by Democrat Doug Jones.

I'm pleasantly surprised to see that CNN links to a copy of the Complaint.

I'm not going to delve into the merits of the litigation, although Moore's theory -- that it's curious that allegations against him were not raised earlier -- strikes me as flimsy. I'm sure the merits of his lawsuit have been and will be analyzed by others in far greater depth. Instead, I want to focus on Moore's sixth cause of action for "Outrage." The pertinent allegation under that cause of action states:

66. At the aforesaid times and places, Defendants—with the intent to cause severe damage to the Plaintiffs’ reputation and standing in the community—intentionally or recklessly engaged in extreme and outrageous conduct that caused emotional distress so severe that no reasonable person could be expected to endure it. Fully aware of the probable emotional impact their actions would have on the Plaintiffs, the Defendants nonetheless recklessly and willfully disregarded the consequences of their actions.

I've never heard of a cause of action for outrage, but after a bit of research it appears that Alabama courts recognize this cause of action as an alternate name for the cause of action for intentional infliction of emotional distress. The Alabama Supreme Court provides some background on this in Thomas v. BSE Indus. Contractors, Inc.:

This Court first recognized the tort of outrage, or intentional infliction of emotional distress, in American Road Service Co. v. Inmon, 394 So.2d 361 (Ala.1981). In Inmon, the Court held that to present a jury question the plaintiff must present sufficient evidence that the defendant's conduct (1) was intentional or reckless; (2) was extreme and outrageous; and (3) caused emotional distress so severe that no reasonable person could be expected to endure it. The Court defined the second element of the tort of outrage as follows: "By extreme we refer to conduct so outrageous in character and so extreme in degree as to go beyond all possible bounds of decency, and to be regarded as 1044*1044 atrocious and utterly intolerable in a civilized society." Inmon, 394 So.2d at 365 (quoting Restatement (Second) of Torts, § 46 cmt. d, at 72 (1948)).

This makes sense when you compare Moore's cause of action for outrage with the allegation underlying his cause of action for intentional infliction of emotional distress:

64. At the aforesaid times and places, and for some time prior Defendants, with the intent to cause damage to the Plaintiffs, did intentionally utter, produce, and disseminate spoken and written communications to harm the reputation and character of Roy Moore. The aforesaid outrageous and shocking acts were done with the intent of causing emotional distress and injury to Roy Moore and Kayla Moore and were a proximate cause of the Plaintiffs’ injuries as described above, herein.

Why does Moore allege two causes of action that are essentially the same? One possibility is that, until recently, Alabama courts appear to have taken a notably narrow approach to the tort of outrage.  A relatively recent opinion by the Alabama Supreme Court in Wilson v. University of Alabama Health Services Foundation held that it was error to apply too narrow of an approach to the tort:

This Court has previously recognized the tort of outrage in three circumstances:

"The tort of outrage is an extremely limited cause of action. It is so limited that this Court has recognized it in regard to only three kinds of conduct: (1) wrongful conduct in the family-burial context, Whitt v. Hulsey, 519 So. 2d 901 (Ala. 1987); (2) barbaric methods employed to coerce an insurance settlement, National Sec. Fire & Cas. Co. v. Bowen, 447 So. 2d 133 (Ala. 1983); and (3) egregious sexual harassment, Busby v. Truswal Sys. Corp., 551 So. 2d 322 (Ala. 1989). See also Michael L. Roberts and Gregory S. Cusimano, Alabama Tort Law, § 23.0 (2d ed. 1996)."

Potts v. Hayes, 771 So.2d 462, 465 (Ala. 2000). However, as Wilson notes in her brief, this Court has not held that the tort of outrage can exist in only those three circumstances: 

"That is not to say, however, that the tort of outrage is viable in only the three circumstances noted in Potts. Recently, this Court affirmed a judgment on a tort-of-outrage claim asserted against a family physician who, when asked by a teenage boy's mother to counsel the boy concerning his stress over his parents' divorce, instead began exchanging addictive prescription drugs for homosexual sex for a number of years, resulting in the boy's drug addiction. See O'Rear v. B.H., 69 So. 3d 106 (Ala. 2011). It is clear, however, that the tort of outrage is viable only when the conduct is `"so outrageous in character and so extreme in degree as to go beyond all possible bounds of decency, and to be regarded as atrocious and utterly intolerable in a civilized society."' Horne v. TGM Assocs., L.P., 56 So. 3d 615, 631 (Ala. 2010) (quoting [American Road Service Co. v.] Inmon, 394 So. 2d [361, 365 (Ala. 1980)])." 

Little v. Robinson, 72 So. 3d 1168, 1172-73 (Ala. 2011) (emphasis added).

The Court went on to overturn the trial court's holding that the cause of action for outrage is only limited to "three situations." With restrictive case law like Potts on the book, however, and with the Wilson decision only being published in December 2017, it's not surprising that a plaintiff who might not be aware of the recent Wilson decision might also want to assert a cause of action for intentional infliction of emotional distress to get around the restrictive-sounding precedent.

Additionally, the extra cause of action makes the Complaint look all the more impressive without much risk. After all, the Alabama Supreme Court in Birmingham Railway & Electric Co. v. Baylor (a case that is very old and which does not appear in full on Google Scholar and which I am not going to devote resources or time towards cite-checking),  notes that "mere redundancy will not vitiate a complaint." (at p. 494).

Moore likely won't lose anything by adding in what is essentially a restatement of his cause of action for intentional infliction of emotional distress, and will gain what appears to be an additional cause of action -- a cause of action for "Outrage," no less!

Iowa Supreme Court Approves Innocence-Based Challenges to Guilty Pleas

The Des Moines Register reports on this significant sentencing news:

For the first time, the Iowa Supreme Court has ruled that people who plead guilty to crimes may challenge their convictions if new evidence of their innocence emerges. 

The court ruled Friday in a 4-3 decision in the case of Jacob L. Schmidt, who pleaded guilty in 2007 of sexually abusing his 14-year-old half-brother the year before. Years later, in 2014, Schmidt's half-brother began telling others that the abuse never occurred. 

The court said last week that Schmidt's case should be returned to the district court in Woodbury County, which is now allowed to consider the new evidence of Schmidt's innocence. 

"It is time that we refuse to perpetuate a system of justice that allows actually innocent people to remain in prison, even those who profess guilt despite their actual innocence," Justice David Wiggins wrote in the majority opinion, which was joined by Chief Justice Mark Cady and justices Daryl Hecht and Brent Appel.

The ruling is "definitely the first time that the Iowa Supreme Court has recognized the actual innocence claim," said Brian Farrell, a law professor at the University of Iowa. Farrell is also co-founder and president of the board of directors of the Innocence Project of Iowa, which wrote an amicus brief supporting Schmidt's appeal. 

That makes Iowa one of about 14 states in the country to recognize such claims, said Farrell, who called the ruling "an 8 or 9 on a 10-point scale of significance."

The full opinion is here.

Of particular note is the Court's discussion of the phenomenon of defendants who plead guilty despite their innocence, which begins on page 14 of the opinion. From that analysis:

A plea does not weed out the innocent. Rather, a plea is an explicit agreement [footnote omitted] between the prosecutor and the defendant that “establishes a ‘going rate.’ ” John L. Kane, Plea Bargaining and the Innocent, The Marshall Project (Dec. 26, 2014, 1:05 PM), https://www.themarshallproject.org/2014/12/26/plea-bargaining-and-the-innocent [https://perma.cc/R5FU-Y3T4]. Specifically, “[t]he anticipated sentence is the central concern in the negotiation[,]” but “[t]he problem . . . is that both innocent and guilty defendants are placed in the same pot and the goal is to achieve the appearance of justice, not the realization of it.” Id.; see also Missouri v. Frye, 566 U.S. 134, 144, 132 S. Ct. 1399, 1407 (2012) (“In today’s criminal justice system . . . the negotiation of a plea bargain, rather than the unfolding of a trial, is almost always the critical point for a defendant.”). Pleading guilty does not automatically mean the defendant is actually guilty. Sometimes, an innocent defendant is choosing the lesser of two evils: pleading guilty despite his or her actual innocence because the odds are stacked up against him or her, or going to trial with the risk of losing and the prospect of receiving a harsher sentence. 

Innocent defendants may also plead guilty in the face of pressure from prosecutors and even their own defense counsels. Today, “our criminal justice system is almost exclusively a system of plea bargaining, negotiated behind closed doors and with no judicial oversight.” Jed S. Rakoff, Why Innocent People Plead Guilty, N.Y. Rev. Books (Nov. 20, 2014). Behind these closed doors, prosecutors have broad discretion: “the prosecutor-dictated plea bargain system, by creating such inordinate pressures to enter into plea bargains, appears to have led a significant number of defendants to plead guilty to crimes they never actually committed.” Id.; see also Innocence Project, Why Are People Pleading Guilty to Crimes They Didn’t Commit? (Nov. 25, 2015), https://www.innocenceproject.org/why-are-people-pleading-guilty-to-crimes-they-didnt-commit/ [https://perma.cc/3CEX-WEW2].

The dissenting justices argue that this rule may lead to a flurry of new claims that disturb earlier guilty pleas. Even if these claims arise, the burden they create is likely outweighed by the possibility that some of those earlier guilty pleas were entered into by innocent defendants. (For the intricate calculations involved in these determinations, see N Guilty Men by Alexander Volokh).

Moreover, the need for new claims may be reduced if prosecutors take this new rule to heart. While one hopes that even without the Court's ruling, prosecutors would stay true to their roles as "minister[s] of justice and not simply . . . advocate[s]," this rule may prompt prosecutors to ensure that negotiated pleas are on solid factual footing to minimize the probability of an innocence-based challenge in the future.

"Don't Be a Lawyer"

I recently read an article by an anonymous author urging readers to avoid becoming attorneys, noting various troubles facing the profession and the difficulties facing those starting out. Here are some of the relevant excerpts:

The competition is terrific. Under prevailing conditions, legal ability is no longer a prerequisite to success. The lawyer without connections is a business-getter, or he rots in his office. Wiles have so boldly supplanted ethics that we have had in recent swift succession a receivership scandal, an ambulance chasing scandal, and a jury-fixing scandal. The integrity of the profession is constantly impugned in the press, and all lawyers are under a cloud. 

It is only the dearth of other employment that keeps the counselors in my town from deserting in droves. Many barely earn their keep, or are assisted by parents, in-laws, or wives. They no longer expect a steady income from law, but live only in hope of a steady job or a political sinecure. Recently a prominent young attorney quit the profession to become a shoe salesman. Others have gone into insurance, bookselling, and storekeeping. One is now the happy proprietor of a fruit stand. 

. . .  

I believe that the harassments which have made the practice of law so dismal today are due principally to overcrowding. My state did not contain a single law school ten years ago; now there are three booming ones. Huge morning, afternoon, and evening classes accommodate everybody. In ten years, the number taking bar examinations has increased by 348 percent.  

. . .  

Hopelessness has sunk deep into my profession, but most pessimistic of all are the newcomers. If I were a young attorney beginning the practice of law in my community today, I should be at my wit's end to earn a dollar, unless I were resolved upon wholesale disregard for ethics. The sharpster has a way of coming out on top nowadays, and survival has come to be most certain for those lawyers who are willing to meet vicious competition with still more vicious practices. It is a condition fraught with serious consequences for the public as well as for the ethical practitioner in law.  

. . .  

Decent youngsters would be better off these days if they raised potatoes instead of practicing law. There is little money in either, but at least from potatoes you derive some satisfaction, and retain your self-respect.

This fairly standard set of indictments against the legal profession is quoted from the straightforwardly-titled article, "Don't Be a Lawyer," which was published in The American Mercury in 1936, and which I found in an April, 1936 edition of Reader's Digest. I'm a bit miffed to be discovering this article now, as I have already become a lawyer, and in the 75 years between the publication of the article and my enrollment in law school, nobody thought to refer me to the author's warnings.

While I have not been able to locate a version of the article online, after a bit of searching, I located this response by William Cain which was published in the Notre Dame Lawyer in November, 1936. Cain criticizes the "pessimistic mental wanderings" of the anonymous author and writes that while many of the facts the author set forth are true, the article focuses on the worst practitioners of the legal profession -- a profession that is primarily composed of "learned, courageous and upright men." (This is not entirely true -- there were learned, courageous and upright women in the legal profession as well, in as early as 1869). Cain points out that the author's selective focus on negative examples could employed to call for readers to avoid the medical profession, business of banking, and institution of marriage.

From Cain's response:

Notwithstanding my anonymous friend's statement that legal ability and real talent are no assurance of success, my own intimate observation and experience of over thirty years active practice at the bar is exactly the reverse. In all that time, I have never known any lawyer with moral courage, ability, integrity and dependability who has failed to enjoy a satisfactory practice yielding amply sufficient pecuniary returns to support himself and family in decency, and to properly educate his children. None of them are, or ever will be, millionaires. None ever wanted to be. Their burning and abiding ambition was to become competent lawyers, and to enjoy the trust and confidence of the communities in which they lived and wrought, and this they achieved. And whatever others may call it, I call it "success."

Things have changed, and I suspect that by now there are some decent lawyers who have managed to surpass that million-dollar mark. But the anonymous article and Cain's response show that present-day arguments about the feasibility of joining the legal profession stretch back farther than one might initially suspect.