Will Baude has written a column in the Washington Post, entitled Of Course the Supreme Court Needs to Use History. The Question is How.
Baude discusses the Supreme Court's use of history in its most recent term. He argues that using history is unavoidable:
History is inextricably connected to law. Our Constitution and statutes were enacted in the past, and amended in the past, and so understanding their content is an inherently historical endeavor. History, practiced properly, also can supply objectivity, giving the justices a basis for deciding beyond their personal views and the controversies of the day.This use of history, as Baude notes, led to some recent dramatic decisions. In Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization, the Court ruled that there was no constitutional right to abortion, overturning Roe v. Wade, and causing abortion becoming illegal in numerous states due to trigger laws. In New York State Rifle & Pistol Association, Inc. v. Bruen, the Court overturned a New York statutory scheme that had been in place for more than a century that required people to prove good cause in order to obtain a license to carry concealed firearms.
We referred there to the “people” who ratified the Fourteenth Amendment: What rights did those “people” have in their heads at the time? But, of course, “people” did not ratify the Fourteenth Amendment. Men did. So it is perhaps not so surprising that the ratifiers were not perfectly attuned to the importance of reproductive rights for women's liberty, or for their capacity to participate as equal members of our Nation. Indeed, the ratifiers—both in 1868 and when the original Constitution was approved in 1788—did not understand women as full members of the community embraced by the phrase “We the People.” In 1868, the first wave of American feminists were explicitly told—of course by men—that it was not their time to seek constitutional protections. (Women would not get even the vote for another half-century.) To be sure, most women in 1868 also had a foreshortened view of their rights: If most men could not then imagine giving women control over their bodies, most women could not imagine having that kind of autonomy. But that takes away nothing from the core point. Those responsible for the original Constitution, including the Fourteenth Amendment, did not perceive women as equals, and did not recognize women's rights. When the majority says that we must read our foundational charter as viewed at the time of ratification (except that we may also check it against the Dark Ages), it consigns women to second-class citizenship. (Dobbs at 2324-25, Breyer J. dissenting).What does Baude have to say to the fact that history itself is skewed due to the historic mistreatment and disenfranchisement of women and African-Americans?
The use of constitutional history has been challenged as inherently regressive. Why should today’s public policy decisions owe anything to past eras when women or people of color were excluded from power? This argument misses the point. In cases like Dobbs, the court seeks to free government from constitutional constraint, arguing that today’s governing majorities are entitled to make their own choices about abortion policy, no matter what dead White men in wigs may have thought. In cases like Bruen, the court relies on historical arguments that the right to keep and bear arms was especially vital to newly freed African Americans in the wake of the Civil War. And in other cases, the court has used history to vindicate the rights of criminal defendants and other unpopular groups.
Baude's point about Dobbs is unresponsive. As the Dissent points out, the absence of women's voices and participation in the political process is a glaring example of how history is skewed in a particular direction--here against the interests of women. For hundreds of years, women weren't guaranteed the right to vote. They were restricted from many professions, including the law and and the teaching of law. Is it really all that surprising that the notion that the right to abortion had anything to do with the right to privacy was a relatively recent part of legal discussions over abortion law? What's more, Dobbs wasn't about the meaning of the Constitution's text. The Court's conclusion regarding the scope of Due Process was based entirely on historical laws and restrictions, filtered through the selective reliance on certain examples and characterizing other examples in a manner that rendered them irrelevant or transformed them into further support.
Additionally, Baude's mention of historical arguments about the relevance of the right to bear arms for newly freed African Americans in Bruen rings hollow in light of the fact that substantial majorities of modern communities of color support stricter gun laws (a point that Adam Winkler raises here). Baude's argument demonstrates the point he's trying to refute. In citing the reconstruction-era need for African Americans to be armed, the Court applies the oppression that African Americans faced during reconstruction to modern circumstances. This historic violence, which was perpetuated by white communities and government officials, ends up shaping and defining the modern right to keep and bear arms for all communities, despite the opposition of modern communities of color.
Perhaps there will be occasional exceptions where historical tradition aligns with the rights of criminal defendants an unpopular groups. But historical discrimination and oppression of women, racial minorities, Native Americans, and other disadvantaged communities suggests that we are off to a rough start if we choose to look to the past to guide present decisions. Cloaking the analysis in with phrases like "original public meaning" or "historical tradition," and characterizing the analysis as "ultimately deciding . . . law, not history for its own sake" as Baude urges may obscure this reality and make the process seem more neutral. But "doing" or "using" history leaves those seeking meaningful reforms and protections for disadvantaged groups and communities at a disadvantage from the outset.
A clarification: Parties and those arguing before the Court should, of course, do what they can to make historical arguments. Doing so will ensure that no stone is left unturned and will shine a brighter spotlight on the Court's motivated reasoning.
Criticizing the Court's methodology is preferable to attempting to meet the Court on a skewed playing field. Perhaps the Court won't listen. But making this point abundantly clear to voters and lawmakers may prompt reforms or--at the very least--urge the election of Presidents and Senators who will appoint and approve Justices who engage in alternate methodology. Critics are better off making these arguments than legitimizing flawed, skewed, malleable historical and originalist methodologies by participating in those methods themselves.
UPDATE
Those who want to read even more about this should check out my draft article on the Court's historical tradition approach in Bruen, which I just posted to SSRN. Comments are welcome!
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